The Organic Ethnologist of Algeriani Migration
时间：2007-05-07 02:46:54
（单词翻译:单击）
Adelmalek Sayad passed away two years ago at this writing, leaving behind him one of the most original and fertile contributions to the anthropology1 of immigration of the past century. Throughout his voluminous and varied3 writings ?close to a hundred publications, including eight books spanning the destruction of Algeria's traditional peasantry at the hands of French colonialism, the dynamics4 of migration2 chains from Kabylia to France, the impact of decolonization on the reception of Algerian workers in Marseilles, the odyssey5 of those workers and their children through the layers and institutions of French society, the social uses and political abuses of "immigrant culture," and the everyday life of Algerian slums on the Parisian periphery6 during the fifties, all informed by an acute awareness7 of the political-economic roots and import of human transhumance1- the Algerian sociologist8 both elaborated and demonstrated the potency10 of three pivotal principles for the study of migration. The first is the simple but fundamental proposition, whose implications remain to be fully11 drawn12 out by scholars and policy makers13 alike, that before he or she becomes an immigrant, the migrant is always first an emigrant14, and that the sociology of migration must therefore imperatively15 start, not from the concerns and cleavages of the receiving society, but from the sending communities, their history, structure, and contradictions. The common contraction16 of the emigration-immigration doublet to its second component17 mutilates the phenomenon and entraps18 the study of migrants into an artificial problematic of "lack" and deficiency explained away by ritualized references, now to their lower class composition and substandard conditions of living, now to the peculiarities20 of the culture they have brought with them.2Resisting such ethnocentric imposition, the sociology of migration must take as its object not the "problems" that migrants pose for the advanced societies which attract them, in matters of employment, housing, schooling21 and health, but the dynamic "relationship between the system of dispositions22 of emigrants23 and the ensemble24 of mechanisms25 to which they are subjected owing to this emigration" (Sayad 1These books are respectively (in English titles): The Uprooting26: The Crisis of Traditional Agriculture in Algeria (Bourdieu and Sayad 1964), Algerian Immigration in France (Gillette and Sayad 1976), The Social Uses of the Culture of Immigrants (Sayad 1978), Towards a Sociology of Immigration (Sayad and Fassa 1982), Migrating - A History of Marseilles: The Shock of Decolonization (Temime, Jordi and Sayad 1991), Immigration, or the Paradoxes27 of Otherness (Sayad 1991), and An Algerian Nanterre, Land of Slums (Sayad with Dupuy 1995). The culmination28 and quintessence of Sayad's five decades of incessant29 research is Double Absence: From the Illusions of the Emigrant to the Suffering of the Immigrant (Sayad 1999). 2A rare and remarkable30 exception to this pattern, deserving of a wide readership for its multi-level, comparative, and interdisciplinary approach, is Massey, Durand and Alarcon (1987). Recent work on "transnational communities" has fostered a belated if limited recognition of the double-sidedness and dual31 determinacy of migration (see the special issue of Ethnic32 and Racial Studies on the topic edited by Portes, Guarnizo and Landolt 1999, and Portes 1999).
Which necessitates33 that one reconstitutes the complete trajectory34 of the individuals, households and groups involved in the peregrination35 under examination, in order to uncover the full system of determinants that first triggered exile and later continued, under new guises36, to govern the differentiated37 paths they followed. Recognizing that "immigration here and emigration there are the two indisassociable sides of the same reality, which cannot be explained the one without the other" (Sayad 1999a: 15) enables Sayad to revoke38, both empirically and theoretically, the canonical40 opposition41 between "labor9 migration" and "settlement migration." The former always contains the latter in nuce and always eventuates in it: the individual departure of wage-seeking men gradually saps the "work of prevention and preservation43" whereby the group seeks to maintain moral control over its members, and sooner or later the latter "abandons itself to family migration," which further accelerates the erosion of group boundaries.3Relinking emigration and immigration points also to the second pillar-proposition anchoring Abdelmalek Sayad's work: that migration is the product and expression of an historical relation of inter-national domination, at once material and symbolic44. Immigration is a "relation from state to state" but one that is "denied as such in everyday reality" no less than in the political field (Sayad 1991: 267), so that its management may fall within the sovereign province of the receiving society alone, of its laws, administrative45 rules and bureaucratic46 dictates47, and be treated as the "domestic" issue which it is not. Sayad (1979) shows, in the paradigmatic case of France and Algeria in the post-colonial and post-Fordist era after the flow of "migrant laborers49" has been officially stopped, that the "negotiations50" between countries that lead to international conventions and regulations concerning immigration are "bilateral51 transactions" in name only since the dominant52 economic power and former colonial ruler is in a structural53 position to impose unilaterally the terms, goals, and means of these agreements.4But there is more: every migrant carries this repressed relation of power between states within himself or her self and unwittingly recapitulates54 and reenacts it in her personal strategies and experiences. Thus the most fleeting55 encounter between an Algerian worker and his French boss in Lyon - or a Surinamese-born child and his schoolteacher in Rotterdam, a Jamaican mother and her social worker in London, an Ethiopian elderly and his landlord in Naples - is fraught56 with the whole baggage of past intercourse57 between the imperial metropole and its erstwhile colony. The relation of the emigrant to his homeland is likewise invisibly over-determined58 by decades of conflictual and asymmetric59 relations between the two countries he links: the "suspicion of treason, even of apostasy60" that enshrouds him there (Sayad 1999a: 171) finds its root in the fact that emigration has shaken the very foundations of the social order, on the one hand, by corroding61 the established frontiers between groups in the sending society and, on the other, by affording the migrant and his kin42 an accelerated path of mobility62 but in an allochtonous hierarchy63, one devoid64 of legitimacy65 in the moral and cultural codes of the originating community.53Sayad (1999a: 422-424) points out that, however virulent66 they may be in the society of immigration, the reactions of protest and opposition to migration are initially67 even stronger among the emigrating community, so strong indeed that they often make nativist and xenophobic resistance to foreigners in the receiving country superfluous68. 4The same is true, mutatis mutandis , for the United States with Mexico and the Caribbean, or Germany with Turkey, Spain with Morocco, Japan with Korea, etc. 5This explains why public accusations69 against emigration typically "aim primarily and more violently at the emigrated female population and, more precisely70, at the bodies of women," perceived as the ultimate repository and vector of the values of the group (Sayad 1984).
3A third proposition animates71 Sayad's tireless inquiries72: like other key processes of group making and unmaking, migration has for requisite73 collective dissimulation74 and social duplicity. Emigration, and later immigration, operates in the way it does only to the extent that it continually mystifies and misrecognizes itself for what it is - or, to put it more precisely, the magical denegation (Verneinung) of the objective reality of migration is part and parcel of its full objectivity, its "double truth." Thus, throughout the twentieth century, the French authorities, Algerian society, and the migrants themselves colluded in concocting75 a triple lie that allowed all three to justify76 to themselves the trek77 of millions of peasants from the Maghrib to the hexagon: that migration was provisional and transitory, that it was determined solely78 by the quest for labor ("I came here to work so I drown myself in work," intones a Kabyle factory hand), and that it was politically neutral and without civic79 consequence on either side of the Mediterranean80 (Sayad 1991: 17-18). All three of these beliefs were glaringly and continually disputed, if not refuted, by social reality, yet none of the parties to the Algerian migration was willing to face that reality. Emigration is never an "export of raw labor power and nothing more" (Sayad 1999a: 20) because, as a "total social fact" in Marcel Mauss's (1990) sense of the term, it disrupts the whole array of institutions that make up the originating society. Conversely, at the other end, immigrant workers are but exceptionally "birds of passage," to recall Michael Piore's (1977) well-known book, for they too are changed in and by migration: they become irrevocably distanced and dis-located from their originating milieu81, losing a place in their native circle of honor without securing one in their new setting; they acquire this false and disjointed "double-consciousness"6that is source of both succor82 and pain; they are consumed by doubt, guilt83 and self-accusation, worn down by an "unjust and uncertain" battle with their own children, these "sociological bastards84" who personify the horrifying85 impossibility of the "return home" (Sayad 1988). A retired86 Algerian laborer48 settled in a working-class banlieue of Paris puts it pithily87: France, I'm gonna tell you, is a low-life woman, like a whore. Without you know it, she encircles you, she takes to seducing88 you until you've fallen for her and then she sucks your blood, she makes you wait on her hand and foot. (...) She is a sorceress. She has taken so many men with her... she has a way of keeping you a prisoner. Yes, she is a prison, a prison from which you cannot get out, a prison for life.
This is a curse. (...) Now I have no more reason to return [to my home village in Algeria]. I have nothing left to do there. It no longer interests me. Everything has changed. Things no longer have the same meaning. You no longer know why you are here in France, of what use you are. There is no more order. (cited in Sayad 1991: 126-127, 137) A corollary of these three analytic89 principles is that the sociology of migration must be reflexive, turned back onto its own conditions of possibility and effectivity. It must include a social history not only of the double-sided fact of emigration-immigration but also of the lay and scholarly discourses90 that swirl91 about this fact in the two societies involved. For the collective perception of migration, its symbolic elaboration and its political construction (of which social science partakes every time it takes over the presuppositions of the official viewpoint) are an integral constituent92 of its objective reality. Sayad inspects the loaded semantics that have governed the framing of the question of North African entry into France since World War II, 6Here the writings of Sayad evoke39 strongly those of W.E.B. DuBois. Compare, for instance, his discussion of the "sociological doubling-up" of the emigrant, who "bears within himself, as a product of his history, in the manner of the colonized93, a two-fold and contradictory94 system of references" in his brilliant essay "The Illegitimate Children" (Sayad 1977) and DuBois's (1903) classic analysis of the "two-ness" or "double-consciousness" of African Americans in the United States in The Souls of Black Folks.
4From "adaptation" (to the requirements of industrial labor) and "assimilation" (to the Republican national culture) to "insertion" and "integration96" (into the social fabric97 and institutions of the society of settlement), to reveal that discourses on immigration are always performative discourses which help effect the wondrous98 social alchemy whereby a "foreigner" is made into a "national" (Sayad 1987 and 1994). All this Sayad knew or discovered because he was more than a scholar of immigration: he was the phenomenon itself. As a native son of the province of Sidi A颿h, in the Little Kabylia mountains, who had risen to the rank of primary school teacher before receiving his training in philosophy, psychology99 and sociology at the universities of Algiers and Paris during the war of national liberation and who then became a Research director at the French National Center for Scientific Research (CNRS), the brute100 facts of imperial oppression, chain migration, community dislocation and fractured acculturation were constantly with him because they were within him: they were his entrails, his eyes, his soul.7Yet he faced them with a moral intrepidity101 and an intellectual deftness102 that astonish the reader who knew him, his history, and that of his people - on both sides of the Mediterranean - and that cannot but impress even those who do not. For forty-some years, Sayad was present in the field, in his home village of Kabylia, in the military "relocation settlements" of the Ouarsenis and Collo regions, in the slums of Constantine and the bazaars103 of Algiers, and later still in the social housing estates of Saint-Denis, Nanterre, and Villeurbanne.
There, he displayed all these personal virtues104 of which textbooks of methodology say nothing but which all too often decide the depth and justness of ethnographic work, in listening, observing, recording105, transcribing106 and transmitting the words he elicited107 and welcomed, with a sympathy devoid of pathos108, a complicity shorn of naivet? a comprehension stripped of complacency and condescension109. A frail110, soft-spoken and self-effacing person, Sayad was among this very small group of individuals with whom one feels genuinely at home when introduced to a farmer from Kabylia or B閍rn, or entering the abode111 of a Berber-speaking manual worker from S閠if or the Parisian Red Belt. The uncommon112 combination of discretion113 and dignity he displayed, the sensitivity and modesty114 he invested in every exchange with his informants can be readily detected in the adroitness115 with which he accounts for their words, the sensitivity with which he pries116 into the causes and the reasons behind their actions. His active solidarity117 with the most dispossessed was the basis of an exceptional epistemological lucidity118 that allowed Abdelmalek Sayad to dismantle119 a good many prefabricated representations about immigration - such as the economistic problematic of its "costs and benefits," which journalists and policy-makers periodically invoke120, with the diligent121 help of economists122, so as better to mask the specifically political dimension and springs of the phenomenon - and to uncover and confront head-on the most complex issues - such as the orchestrated lies of collective bad faith that fuel migration streams or the existential roots of the "migration malaise" that afflicts123 the immigrant worker even after he has been medically cured of occupational illness8- just as he would enter an unknown household to find himself immediately greeted with respect, trust, and affection. It allowed him to find the right words, and the right tone, to speak of and to experiences as contradictory and chaotic124 as the social conditions of which they were the product and to anatomize them by mobilizing with equal perspicacity125 the intellectual resources of traditional Kabyle culture, rethought through ethnological works (as 7Sayad describes his early intellectual and political experiences as well as his intellectual training in Arfaoui (1996); read also Sayad (1995). 8Cf., respectively, Sayad (1977, 1986, 1981a, 1981b) and his vivisection of exile as a fall into social darkness in "El Ghorba" (Sayad 2000, in this issue).
5With the notion of el ghorba or the opposition between thaymats and thaddjjaddith), and the conceptual arsenal126 elaborated by the research team at the Centre de sociologie europ閑nne of which he was, from its very inception127, an active and influential128 member. In the hands of so skilled an analyst129, the immigrant functions in the manner of a live, flesh-and-blood analyzer of the most obscure regions of the social unconscious. Sayad ultimately shows us how, like Socrates according to Plato, the immigrant is atopos, a quaint130 hybrid131 devoid of place, dis-placed, in the twofold sense of incongruous and inopportune, trapped in that "mongrel" sector132 of social space betwixt and between social being and nonbeing. Neither citizen nor foreigner, neither on the side of the Same nor on that of the Other, he exists only by default in the sending community and by excess in the receiving society, and he generates recurrent recrimination and ressentiment in both (Sayad 1984 and 1988). Out-of-place in the two social systems which define his (non)existence, the migrant forces us, through the obdurate133 social vexation and mental embarrassment134 he causes, to rethink root and branch the question of the legitimate95 foundations of citizenship135 and of the relationship between citizen, state, and nation. For the physical and moral suffering endured by the e-migrant reveals to the ethnographer who follows his slow and painful metamorphosis into the im-migrant everything that native (i.e., natal) embededness in a definite nation and state buries into the deepest recesses136 of the organism, in a state of quasi-nature, beyond the reach of consciousness and ratiocination137, starting with the viscerally felt equation most societies establish between nationality and membership in the citizenry. Through experiences (in the sense of Erlebnis) which are, for she who knows how to dissect138 and decipher them, so many experimentations139 (in the sense of Erfahrung), he enables us to discover those "statified" (閠atis閟) minds and bodies, as Thomas Bernard calls them (Bourdieu 1994, Sayad 1999b), which a highly peculiar19 history has endowed us with and which all too often prevent us from recognizing and respecting all the manifold forms of the human condition. As the organic ethnologist of Algerian migration, the witness-analyst of the silent drama of the mass exodus140 of the Berber peasants of Kabylia into the industrial underbelly of their former colonial overlord, Abdelmalek Sayad gives us an exemplary figure of the sociologist as "public scribe," who records and broadcasts, with anthropological141 acuity142 and poetic143 grace, the voice of those most cruelly dispossessed of it by the crushing weight of imperial subordination and class domination, without ever instituting himself as a spokesperson, without ever using these given words to give lessons, except lessons in ethnographic integrity, scientific rigor144, and civic courage.
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1
anthropology
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| n.人类学 | |
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migration
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| n.迁移，移居，（鸟类等的）迁徙 | |
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varied
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| adj.多样的，多变化的 | |
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dynamics
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| n.力学，动力学，动力，原动力；动态 | |
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odyssey
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| n.长途冒险旅行；一连串的冒险 | |
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periphery
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| n.(圆体的)外面；周围 | |
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awareness
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| n.意识，觉悟，懂事，明智 | |
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sociologist
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| n.研究社会学的人，社会学家 | |
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labor
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| n.劳动，努力，工作，劳工；分娩；vi.劳动，努力，苦干；vt.详细分析；麻烦 | |
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potency
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| n. 效力，潜能 | |
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fully
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| adv.完全地，全部地，彻底地；充分地 | |
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drawn
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| v.拖，拉，拔出；adj.憔悴的，紧张的 | |
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makers
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| n.制造者，制造商（maker的复数形式） | |
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emigrant
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| adj.移居的，移民的；n.移居外国的人，移民 | |
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imperatively
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| adv.命令式地 | |
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contraction
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| n.缩略词，缩写式，害病 | |
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component
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| n.组成部分，成分，元件；adj.组成的，合成的 | |
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entraps
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| v.使陷入圈套，使入陷阱( entrap的第三人称单数 ) | |
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peculiar
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| adj.古怪的，异常的；特殊的，特有的 | |
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peculiarities
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| n. 特质, 特性, 怪癖, 古怪 | |
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schooling
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| n.教育；正规学校教育 | |
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dispositions
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| 安排( disposition的名词复数 )； 倾向； （财产、金钱的）处置； 气质 | |
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emigrants
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| n.（从本国移往他国的）移民( emigrant的名词复数 ) | |
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ensemble
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| n.合奏(唱)组；全套服装；整体，总效果 | |
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mechanisms
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| n.机械( mechanism的名词复数 )；机械装置；[生物学] 机制；机械作用 | |
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uprooting
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| n.倒根，挖除伐根v.把（某物）连根拔起( uproot的现在分词 )；根除；赶走；把…赶出家园 | |
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paradoxes
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| n.似非而是的隽语，看似矛盾而实际却可能正确的说法( paradox的名词复数 )；用于语言文学中的上述隽语；有矛盾特点的人[事物，情况] | |
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culmination
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| n.顶点；最高潮 | |
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incessant
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| adj.不停的，连续的 | |
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remarkable
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| adj.显著的，异常的，非凡的，值得注意的 | |
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dual
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| adj.双的；二重的，二元的 | |
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ethnic
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| adj.人种的，种族的，异教徒的 | |
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necessitates
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| 使…成为必要，需要( necessitate的第三人称单数 ) | |
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trajectory
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| n.弹道，轨道 | |
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peregrination
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| n.游历，旅行 | |
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guises
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| n.外观，伪装( guise的名词复数 )v.外观，伪装( guise的第三人称单数 ) | |
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differentiated
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| 区分，区别，辨别( differentiate的过去式和过去分词 )； 区别对待； 表明…间的差别，构成…间差别的特征 | |
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revoke
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| v.废除，取消，撤回 | |
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evoke
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| vt.唤起，引起，使人想起 | |
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canonical
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| n.权威的；典型的 | |
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opposition
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| n.反对，敌对 | |
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kin
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| n.家族，亲属，血缘关系；adj.亲属关系的，同类的 | |
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preservation
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| n.保护，维护，保存，保留，保持 | |
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symbolic
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| adj.象征性的，符号的，象征主义的 | |
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administrative
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| adj.行政的，管理的 | |
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bureaucratic
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| adj.官僚的，繁文缛节的 | |
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dictates
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| n.命令，规定，要求( dictate的名词复数 )v.大声讲或读( dictate的第三人称单数 )；口授；支配；摆布 | |
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laborer
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| n.劳动者，劳工 | |
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laborers
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| n.体力劳动者，工人( laborer的名词复数 )；（熟练工人的）辅助工 | |
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negotiations
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| 协商( negotiation的名词复数 )； 谈判； 完成（难事）； 通过 | |
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bilateral
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| adj.双方的，两边的，两侧的 | |
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dominant
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| adj.支配的，统治的；占优势的；显性的；n.主因，要素，主要的人(或物)；显性基因 | |
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structural
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| adj.构造的，组织的，建筑（用）的 | |
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recapitulates
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| n.总结，扼要重述( recapitulate的名词复数 )v.总结，扼要重述( recapitulate的第三人称单数 ) | |
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fleeting
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| adj.短暂的，飞逝的 | |
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fraught
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| adj.充满…的，伴有(危险等)的；忧虑的 | |
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intercourse
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| n.性交；交流，交往，交际 | |
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determined
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| adj.坚定的；有决心的 | |
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asymmetric
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| a.不对称的 | |
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apostasy
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| n.背教，脱党 | |
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corroding
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| 使腐蚀，侵蚀( corrode的现在分词 ) | |
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62
mobility
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| n.可动性，变动性，情感不定 | |
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63
hierarchy
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| n.等级制度；统治集团，领导层 | |
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64
devoid
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| adj.全无的，缺乏的 | |
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65
legitimacy
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| n.合法，正当 | |
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66
virulent
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| adj.有毒的，有恶意的，充满敌意的 | |
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67
initially
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| adv.最初，开始 | |
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68
superfluous
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| adj.过多的，过剩的，多余的 | |
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69
accusations
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| n.指责( accusation的名词复数 )；指控；控告；（被告发、控告的）罪名 | |
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70
precisely
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| adv.恰好，正好，精确地，细致地 | |
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71
animates
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| v.使有生气( animate的第三人称单数 )；驱动；使栩栩如生地动作；赋予…以生命 | |
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72
inquiries
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| n.调查( inquiry的名词复数 )；疑问；探究；打听 | |
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73
requisite
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| adj.需要的，必不可少的；n.必需品 | |
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74
dissimulation
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| n.掩饰，虚伪，装糊涂 | |
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75
concocting
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| v.将（尤指通常不相配合的）成分混合成某物( concoct的现在分词 )；调制；编造；捏造 | |
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76
justify
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| vt.证明…正当(或有理)，为…辩护 | |
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77
trek
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| vi.作长途艰辛的旅行；n.长途艰苦的旅行 | |
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78
solely
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| adv.仅仅，唯一地 | |
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79
civic
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| adj.城市的，都市的，市民的，公民的 | |
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80
Mediterranean
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| adj.地中海的；地中海沿岸的 | |
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81
milieu
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| n.环境；出身背景；(个人所处的)社会环境 | |
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82
succor
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| n.援助，帮助；v.给予帮助 | |
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83
guilt
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| n.犯罪；内疚；过失，罪责 | |
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84
bastards
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| 私生子( bastard的名词复数 )； 坏蛋； 讨厌的事物； 麻烦事 （认为别人走运或不幸时说）家伙 | |
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85
horrifying
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| a.令人震惊的，使人毛骨悚然的 | |
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86
retired
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| adj.隐退的，退休的，退役的 | |
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87
pithily
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| adv.有力地，简洁地 | |
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88
seducing
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| 诱奸( seduce的现在分词 )； 勾引； 诱使堕落； 使入迷 | |
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89
analytic
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| adj.分析的，用分析方法的 | |
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90
discourses
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| 论文( discourse的名词复数 )； 演说； 讲道； 话语 | |
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91
swirl
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| v.(使)打漩，(使)涡卷；n.漩涡，螺旋形 | |
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92
constituent
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| n.选民；成分，组分；adj.组成的，构成的 | |
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93
colonized
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| 开拓殖民地，移民于殖民地( colonize的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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contradictory
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| adj.反驳的，反对的，抗辩的；n.正反对，矛盾对立 | |
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95
legitimate
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| adj.合法的，合理的，合乎逻辑的；v.使合法 | |
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96
integration
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| n.一体化，联合，结合 | |
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97
fabric
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| n.织物，织品，布；构造，结构，组织 | |
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98
wondrous
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| adj.令人惊奇的，奇妙的；adv.惊人地；异乎寻常地；令人惊叹地 | |
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99
psychology
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| n.心理，心理学，心理状态 | |
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100
brute
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| n.野兽，兽性 | |
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101
intrepidity
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| n.大胆，刚勇；大胆的行为 | |
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102
deftness
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103
bazaars
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| （东方国家的）市场( bazaar的名词复数 )； 义卖； 义卖市场； （出售花哨商品等的）小商品市场 | |
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104
virtues
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| 美德( virtue的名词复数 )； 德行； 优点； 长处 | |
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105
recording
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| n.录音，记录 | |
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106
transcribing
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| （用不同的录音手段）转录( transcribe的现在分词 )； 改编（乐曲）（以适应他种乐器或声部）； 抄写； 用音标标出（声音） | |
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107
elicited
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| 引出，探出( elicit的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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108
pathos
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| n.哀婉，悲怆 | |
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109
condescension
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| n.自以为高人一等，贬低(别人) | |
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110
frail
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| adj.身体虚弱的；易损坏的 | |
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111
abode
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| n.住处，住所 | |
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112
uncommon
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| adj.罕见的，非凡的，不平常的 | |
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113
discretion
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| n.谨慎；随意处理 | |
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114
modesty
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| n.谦逊，虚心，端庄，稳重，羞怯，朴素 | |
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115
adroitness
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116
pries
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| v.打听，刺探（他人的私事）( pry的第三人称单数 )；撬开 | |
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117
solidarity
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| n.团结；休戚相关 | |
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118
lucidity
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| n.明朗，清晰，透明 | |
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119
dismantle
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| vt.拆开，拆卸；废除，取消 | |
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120
invoke
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| v.求助于(神、法律)；恳求，乞求 | |
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121
diligent
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| adj.勤勉的，勤奋的 | |
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122
economists
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| n.经济学家，经济专家( economist的名词复数 ) | |
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123
afflicts
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| 使受痛苦，折磨( afflict的名词复数 ) | |
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124
chaotic
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| adj.混沌的，一片混乱的，一团糟的 | |
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125
perspicacity
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| n. 敏锐, 聪明, 洞察力 | |
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126
arsenal
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| n.兵工厂，军械库 | |
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127
inception
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| n.开端，开始，取得学位 | |
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128
influential
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| adj.有影响的，有权势的 | |
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129
analyst
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| n.分析家，化验员；心理分析学家 | |
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130
quaint
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| adj.古雅的，离奇有趣的，奇怪的 | |
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131
hybrid
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| n.(动，植）杂种，混合物 | |
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132
sector
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| n.部门，部分；防御地段，防区；扇形 | |
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133
obdurate
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| adj.固执的，顽固的 | |
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134
embarrassment
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| n.尴尬；使人为难的人(事物)；障碍；窘迫 | |
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135
citizenship
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| n.市民权，公民权，国民的义务(身份) | |
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136
recesses
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| n.壁凹( recess的名词复数 )；（工作或业务活动的）中止或暂停期间；学校的课间休息；某物内部的凹形空间v.把某物放在墙壁的凹处( recess的第三人称单数 )；将（墙）做成凹形，在（墙）上做壁龛；休息，休会，休庭 | |
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137
ratiocination
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| n.推理；推断 | |
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138
dissect
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| v.分割；解剖 | |
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139
experimentations
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| 实验，实验的方法( experimentation的名词复数 ) | |
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140
exodus
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| v.大批离去，成群外出 | |
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141
anthropological
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| adj.人类学的 | |
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142
acuity
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| n.敏锐，（疾病的）剧烈 | |
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143
poetic
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| adj.富有诗意的，有诗人气质的，善于抒情的 | |
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144
rigor
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| n.严酷，严格，严厉 | |
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