Morning sickness(早孕反应), shiny hair, and bizarre and intense cravings for
pickles2(咸菜) and ice cream -- what expectations do pregnant women impose on their bodies, and how are those expectations influenced by cultural perspectives on
pregnancy3? Danielle Bessett, an assistant professor of sociology at the University of Cincinnati, will present her research on this issue at the 108th Annual Meeting of the American Sociological Association.
Although previous studies have indicated that women primarily rely on their health care providers and pregnancy guides to find out what to expect when they're expecting, Bessett's research, titled, "Expecting Embodiment: Pregnancy Symptoms and the Cultural
Mythologies4 of Pregnancy," found that pregnant women are also strongly influenced about their
pregnancies5 by common
hearsay6(传闻,谣言) in their social circles and in entertainment media. Bessett calls this phenomenon "pregnancy mythologies" -- fragmentary,
contradictory7, and
elusive8 forms of knowledge.
The study relied on interviews with 64 pregnant women in the greater New York
metropolitan9 area from 2003-2006. Bessett
noted10 that all 64 women confronted mythologies in pregnancy.
"In contrast to survey research that asks women to identify information sources that help them make specific decisions, in-depth interviews such as mine reveal a more complex web of taken-for-granted assumptions that women bring to pregnancy -- a condition commonly represented in both
fictional11 and reality television, films, commercials, and other entertainment media," Bessett said. "My research shows that we may underestimate the extent to which all of us hold understandings of pregnancy built
incrementally12 through a succession of ephemeral encounters over our lifetimes and the extent to which those understandings affect us. It is important to recognize this phenomenon because it may result in different perspectives on what we can take for granted about pregnancy which may affect communication between women and their health care providers."
According to Bessett, some women drew heavily from ethnic-religious traditions. Some had little or no personal experience with pregnancy, while others had complicated reproductive histories. "Depending on these
varied13 biographical and
structural14 locations, women affirmed, grieved,
critiqued(批判), and contested key aspects of pregnancy
mythology15," Bessett said.
Bessett found that most women tended to minimize the influence of pregnancy mythologies when asked directly about information sources they trusted most. It was only when pushed to explain how they came to hold specific expectations for what would happen during their pregnancies that women referenced entertainment media sources. Interestingly, women often found themselves without an explanation for how they learned about what "normally happened" in pregnancy.
Through her interviews, Bessett found that in some cases, women were alarmed when they weren't experiencing symptoms popularly associated with pregnancy, such as morning sickness, fearing that something might be wrong with the health of the
fetus16.
"Whether pleasurable,
inconvenient17 or
debilitating18, pregnancy symptoms are not simply treated as pregnancy side-effects in our culture, but rather as a significant connection to the fetus and fetal subjectivity," Bessett said.
For example, one mother said that her intense
vomiting19 resulted because her baby didn't like what she ate. Another explained that her
craving1 was due to her baby "
liking20 fried chicken."
"Many symptoms were frequently seen as
tangible21 manifestations22 of the fetus's desires, needs, or personal characteristics," Bessett said.
"Whether it's because they are somewhat rare (like pregnancy-related nosebleeds) or because they concern parts of the body that are not 'polite' to talk about (such as hemorrhoids), some symptoms are not typically
portrayed29 in entertainment media
narratives30 on pregnancy, nor were they symptoms that friends and family frequently shared with women in advance of their first pregnancy," she said.