21.Disputes occurred, of course, among those who remained on the rebel side, but the extraordinary social mobility¹ of eighteenth-century American society (with the obvious exception of slaves) usually prevented such disputes from hardening along class lines.

22.Social structure was in fact so fluid—though recent statistics suggest a narrowing of economic opportunity as the latter half of the century progressed—that to talk about social classes at all requires the use of loose economic categories such as rich, poor, and middle class, or eighteenth-century designations like "the better sort."

23.Although undertones of class conflict existed beneath such hostility², the opposition³ was primarily geographical⁴. Sectional conflict—which also existed between North and South—deserves further investigation⁵.

24.Yet those who stress the achievement of a general consensus⁶ among the colonists⁷ cannot fully⁸ understand that consensus without understanding the conflicts that had to be overcome or repressed in order to reach it.

25.The recent, apparently⁹ successful, prediction by mathematical models of an appearance of EI Nino—the warm ocean current that periodically develops along the Pacific coast of South America—has excited researchers.

26.Taking months to traverse the Pacific, Rossby waves march to the western boundary of the Pacific basin, which is modeled as a smooth wall but in reality consists of quite irregular island chains, such as, the Philippines and Indonesia.

27.Such philosophical¹⁰ concerns as the mind-body problem or, more generally, the nature of human knowledge they believe, are basic human questions whose tentative philosophical solutions have served as the necessary foundations on which all other intellectual speculation¹¹ has rested.

28.When, in the seventeenth century, Descartes and Hobbes rejected medieval philosophy, they did not think of themselves, as modern philosophers do, as proposing a new and better philosophy, but rather as furthering “the warfare¹² between science and theology.”

29.They were fighting, albeit¹³ discreetly¹⁴, to open the intellectual world to the new science and to liberate¹⁵ intellectual life from ecclesiastical philosophy and envisioned their work as contributing to the growth, not of philosophy, but of research in mathematics and physics.

30.This link between philosophical interests and scientific practice persisted until the nineteenth century, when decline in ecclesiastical power over scholarship and changes in the nature of science provoked the final separation of philosophy from both.

21.当然，争吵还会发生在造反派之间，争执在所难免，但是，十八世纪美国社会的巨大流动性（很明显除了奴隶之外）经常可以阻止这些争吵沿着阶级路线恶化。

22.社会结构事实上是如此具有流动性——尽管最近的数据表明，存在一个越来越狭窄的经济机会，随着该世纪后半期地发展——以致于要谈论社会阶层的话，就必须采用一些模糊的经济分类，比如富人、穷人、和中产阶级，或者十八世纪的名称，象“比较好的一类”。

23.尽管，在这种敌对态度下面存在阶级冲突的低音（不太明显），但是这种对抗主要是地区性的。地区性冲突——也存在于北方与南方之间——值得进一步研究。

24.但是，那些强调完成（实现）的历史学家，殖民者之间普遍一致意见的实现，这些历史学家不能够完全理解那种一致意见，如果不明白，冲突是被克服或者压制之后，为了达成一致意见。

25.最近，显然成功的预测,通过数学模型，关于El Nino现象——温暖的洋流，周期性地出现在南美洲太平洋沿岸——这个预测使研究者很兴奋。

26.用了几个月横穿太平洋，R波到达太平洋海盆的西部边界，被模拟成一堵平滑的墙壁，但是实际上，是由很不规则的岛屿链组成，比如，菲律宾群岛和印度尼西亚群岛。

27.这种有关于精神与肉体的考虑，或者更普遍地讲，人类知识的本质，他们相信，都是基本的人类问题，其探索性的哲学答案已经成为一个必要的基础，其它所有的智力思考都是以此为基础的。

28.在十七世纪，当笛卡尔和霍布斯抛弃中世纪哲学 的时候，他们并没有象现代哲学家那样，认为自己是在提出一种全新的和更好的哲学，而是认为自己是在促进“科学与神学的战争”。

29.他们战斗，尽管是小心翼翼的，是为了使思想世界向新科学敞开大门，并且把思想生活从教会哲学中解放出来，他们把自己的工作看成是对发展作出的贡献，不是在对哲学的贡献，而是对数学和物理学的贡献。

30.这种哲学兴趣与科学实践之间的联系一直持续到十九世纪，这时候，教会压制学术界的力量已经衰退，以及科学在性质上的变化，导致了哲学与这两者的最终分离。